The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) defines refugees as people who are unwilling or unable to return to their country of nationality, owing to a fear of being persecuted on the grounds of race, nationality, religion, sexuality, political opinion or membership of a particular social group (UNHCR, 2018).

An asylum-seeker refers to a child or adult, who has fled their homeland and made themselves known to the authorities once they have arrived in another country. The Home Office (2017) defines an unaccompanied asylum-seeking child (UASC) as a person who appears to be under 18, is applying for asylum in their own right, and has no adult relatives and guardians to turn to. These circumstances can result in many UASC being placed into care once they arrive in England.

Under the Children Act 1989, a child is suggested to be cared for by a local authority in England if they are either subject to a care order, subject to a placement order, or are provided with accommodation for a continuous period for more than 24 hours.

Internationally, the terminology used to identify these young people differs significantly, with terms such as ‘children in care’ or ‘looked-after children’ applied in England, while ‘children in out-of-home care’ is prevalent in Australia and ‘foster youth’ is used in America (Sandford et al, 2019). The term ‘looked-after’ children will therefore be used in this blog entry. When UASC enter care, they may find themselves in a range of different placements, including being placed into state-run residential children’s homes or foster care (Quarmby et al, 2021). As of 31st March 2020, UASC represent around 6% of all children ‘looked-after’ (Department for Education, 2020).

There is international consensus that young people who are ‘looked-after’ are one of the most marginalised and vulnerable groups in society (Quarmby et al, 2021). For UASC’s this situation is exacerbated by their refugee and asylum-seeking experiences that are often traumatic, categorised by displacement, persecution, grief and forced separation from family (Olliff, 2008). In turn, this can contribute to poor physical and psychological wellbeing, including high rates of ‘trauma’ (Spaaij et al, 2019). Nevertheless, it is important to note that UASC often make remarkable progress once located in their country of destination, with their experiences producing qualities such as resilience and a strong desire to achieve educationally (Spaaij, 2015; Cseplo et al, 2021). Widely discussed are the positive health outcomes for UASC who participate in physical activity, sport and Physical Education (PA/S/PE). It is suggested that these contexts help UASC overcome some of the disadvantages they might experience in relation to displacement and the tensions inherent in the settlement process. For example, they provide spaces for these young people to explore their strengths, develop life skills, increase social connectedness, enhance (inter)cultural understanding and enable opportunities for physical development (Spaaij et al, 2019).

My PhD research aims to explore the PA/S/PE experiences of UASC who are ‘looked-after’. Taking an intersectional approach, it will consider how issues of race, ethnicity, culture, language and other identity categories intersect with different spaces in these young people’s lives to influence experiences. It is hoped that these unique insights will provide teachers, schools, social services and local authorities with some important lessons around these young people’s broader lives on arriving in England, including their education and the potential benefits and barriers that PA/S/PE may present.

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